Requires Community Health Clinics Spend 90% Of Revenue on Program Services
Requires Community Health Clinics Spend 90% of Revenue on Program Services. Initiative Statute. Imposes penalties on nonprofit Federally Qualified Health Centers (community clinics providing primary care to medically underserved areas and populations) that spend less than 90% of revenue on "program services" advancing their charitable purpose, including but not limited to patient services. Department of Public Health may waive spending requirements in exceptional circumstances. Authorizes Attorney General to publish guidance defining qualifying expenditures. Monetary penalties may be refunded if centers become compliant within five years. Authorizes criminal charges for false reports or artificially increasing spending ratio. Summary of Legislative Analyst's estimate of net state and local government fiscal impact: Increased state costs in the low tens of millions of dollars per year to enforce the new requirements on certain private nonprofit health care clinics, covered by fees charged to the affected clinics.
Summary
Proposition 44 is a citizen initiative statute, Initiative 25-0008, filed with the Attorney General on July 15, 2025 by Shawna Brown and Sean Fleming, cleared for signature gathering on October 8, 2025, found to have enough valid signatures on May 18, 2026, and certified for the November 3, 2026 ballot on June 25, 2026.
It is titled the Clinic Funding Accountability and Transparency Act in its own text. The measure adds Section 12586.3 to the Government Code, Section 1234.5 to the Health and Safety Code, and Sections 5142.1 and 6814.1 to the Corporations Code. It defines a clinic as a clinic corporation that is a federally qualified health center (FQHC) under federal law, including FQHC look-alikes, and it excludes clinics operated by federally recognized Indian tribes, tribal organizations or urban Indian organizations.
Each covered clinic would report to the Attorney General, through the Registry of Charities and Fundraisers, the total it spent on activities that accomplish its exempt purpose and its total revenue, and the Attorney General would calculate from those two figures a Mission Spend Ratio and publish it.
If a clinic's ratio is below 90 percent, the State Department of Public Health would assess a penalty equal to the difference between the amount the clinic spent on mission-directed expenses and 90 percent of the clinic's total revenue. Penalty money would be held in escrow in a Mission Spend Ratio Penalty Account for five years and would be refunded to a clinic that comes into compliance and agrees to a spending plan, and money not refunded after five years would be subject to appropriation by the Legislature for clinical worker training, recruitment and retention.
The Department of Public Health could grant a one-year waiver of the 90 percent requirement for unexpected or exceptional circumstances or for a clinic's economic condition, and clinics could appeal a penalty assessment. Clinics would pay an additional annual registration fee set to cover the state's administrative costs, and the Attorney General could fine a clinic 5,000 dollars for a first failure to report and 10,000 dollars for each subsequent month.
A patient of a covered clinic that fails to report or has a ratio under 90 percent and is not under a waiver could sue for breach of charitable trust, and a director, officer or agent who knowingly misreports or routes spending through related parties to inflate the ratio could face imprisonment.
The Legislative Analyst estimates increased state costs in the low tens of millions of dollars per year to enforce the requirements, covered by fees charged to the affected clinics, plus other uncertain costs, and gives no dollar estimate for those. The measure imposes no tax and changes no tax rate.S1S2S3S4S7S12S14
What a yes or no vote means
Yes means
A yes vote means that certain private nonprofit health care clinics, specifically nonprofit federally qualified health centers and FQHC look-alikes, would have to spend at least 90 percent of their revenue each year on providing health care services, described in the ballot title and summary as program services advancing their charitable purpose, including but not limited to patient services.
Spending on other expenses, such as administrative costs, would be limited to no more than 10 percent of revenue. The California Attorney General would define in more detail which expenses count as health care services and which do not, starting from existing federal reports. A covered clinic that fell short would pay the state a penalty equal to the amount of spending needed to reach the 90 percent minimum, and could get that money back if it came into compliance within five years.
The Department of Public Health could pause the requirement with a temporary waiver in some cases. Clinics that did not meet the standard could be sued by their patients for breach of charitable trust, and knowingly false reporting could be prosecuted as a crime.S1S2S3S5S7S12
No means
A no vote means that the new requirement on health care clinic spending would not go into effect. Nonprofit federally qualified health centers and FQHC look-alikes would not be subject to the 90 percent Mission Spend Ratio, the Attorney General would not calculate and publish that ratio, the Department of Public Health would not assess penalties for falling short of the ratio, and the reporting, fee, patient lawsuit and criminal provisions in the measure would not become law.
Existing state and federal requirements on community clinics, including their reporting to the Internal Revenue Service and to the Attorney General's Registry of Charities and Fundraisers, would continue unchanged. Nonprofit clinics would still be required to reinvest their revenue in the organization under existing law.S2S3S4S7S11
How it works
- What kind of measure this is: Proposition 44 is a citizen initiative statute, not a constitutional amendment and not a legislative referral. The ballot pamphlet prints it as put on the ballot by petition signatures. The Secretary of State assigns it the number 44 for the November 3, 2026 general election, and the measure's own text names it the Clinic Funding Accountability and Transparency Act. Its subject is set out in the ballot label as requiring community health clinics to spend 90 percent of revenue on program services. Because it is an initiated statute, the Secretary of State's voter guide note and Ballotpedia both record that a simple majority vote is enough for approval, and Ballotpedia records that the initiative needed 546,651 valid signatures, equal to 5 percent of the votes cast in the last gubernatorial election.S4S7S12
- The path to the ballot: the University of California's Institute of Governmental Studies records that Proposition 44 began as Initiative 25-0008, filed by Shawna Brown and Sean Fleming in July 2025, that it received its official title and summary and was cleared for signature gathering in October 2025, that on May 18, 2026 the Secretary of State determined through a random sample that it had enough valid signatures to become eligible for the ballot, and that it was formally certified for the November 3, 2026 statewide ballot on June 25, 2026 and then designated Proposition 44. Ballotpedia gives the same sequence with exact dates: filed July 15, 2025, published and placed under review August 1, 2025, cleared for signature gathering October 8, 2025, and qualified May 18, 2026 with at least 634,061 of 1,030,848 submitted signatures determined valid through a random sample count. Ballotpedia also reports that the sponsors hired SEIU United Healthcare Workers West to collect signatures and that 16,857,372.16 dollars was spent to collect the 546,651 valid signatures required, a cost of 30.84 dollars per required signature.S12S14
- The four sections the measure adds: the text of the proposed law adds Section 12586.3 to the Government Code, which contains the definitions, the annual reporting duty, the Attorney General's guidance authority, the Attorney General's calculation and publication of the Mission Spend Ratio, the audit authority and the additional annual registration fee. It adds Section 1234.5 to the Health and Safety Code, which creates the Mission Spend Ratio Penalty Account in the Special Deposit Fund, the penalty assessment, the escrow, refund and appeal process, and the waiver process. It adds Section 5142.1 to the Corporations Code, which lets a patient of a qualifying clinic bring an action to enjoin, correct or otherwise remedy a breach of charitable trust. It adds Section 6814.1 to the Corporations Code, which makes knowing misreporting or routing through related parties a crime.S7S12
- Which clinics are covered: the measure defines a clinic as any clinic corporation, as defined in the Health and Safety Code, that is a federally qualified health center as that term is defined in Title 42 of the United States Code. The definition expressly includes FQHC look-alikes, meaning organizations that do not receive an FQHC award but are designated by the federal Health Resources and Services Administration as meeting FQHC program requirements. The definition excludes federally recognized Indian tribes, tribal organizations and urban Indian organizations, and any outpatient setting conducted, maintained or operated by such an entity. The Legislative Analyst describes the affected organizations as private nonprofit safety net clinics and states that there are about 2,000 safety net clinics in California, that most are private nonprofits and that the rest are run by public entities such as counties. Ballotpedia describes an FQHC as an organization that receives federal funds to provide prevention and primary services in an outpatient clinic setting in underserved areas, that is governed by a community board at least 51 percent of whose members are patients, that provides services on a sliding fee scale, and that is a Health Center Program award recipient or look-alike.S2S3S7S12
- The Mission Spend Ratio and how it would be calculated: the measure defines the Mission Spend Ratio as the total amount spent on activities that accomplish a clinic's exempt purpose divided by the clinic's total revenue. Each clinic would file annually with the Registry of Charities and Fundraisers the data needed to compute it, namely the sum spent on the clinic's exempt purpose, taken from the total program service expenses figure on line 4e of Part III of the clinic's Internal Revenue Service Form 990 for calendar year 2024 or the tax year beginning in 2024, and total revenue, taken from line 12 of Part I of the same form, both as adjusted under Attorney General guidance. When calculating the ratio, the Attorney General would exclude from both figures an amount equal to penalties paid, expenditures made under a plan agreed with the State Department of Public Health, and reimbursements received under Section 1234.5. The Attorney General is authorized to issue binding guidance on how to report the two figures, including additional reporting standards for related party transactions, and must issue findings stating its reasons when it issues guidance. The Attorney General would calculate each clinic's ratio no later than 90 days after receiving the clinic's submission, transmit the calculation to the clinic and to the Department of Public Health, and make the calculations publicly available on its website within 90 days of receipt. The Legislative Analyst states that the Attorney General would define which kinds of expenses relate to providing health care services and which are other expenses, using existing federal reports as a starting point.S2S3S7S12
- The reporting fine and the new registration fee: the measure directs the Attorney General to impose sanctions for failing to comply with the reporting provisions, in the form of an administrative fine of 5,000 dollars for a first violation and 10,000 dollars for each subsequent month in which a clinic fails to submit the required annual reports, which the Attorney General may periodically update for inflation. Each clinic would also submit an additional annual registration fee to fund the Attorney General's and the Department of Public Health's activities under the new sections, with a fee schedule adopted by the Attorney General in consultation with the Department of Public Health, adjusted annually to reflect actual costs, and capped at the amount necessary to cover the reasonable regulatory costs of administering the provisions. The official title and summary describes the same structure in one line, that penalties are imposed on nonprofit FQHCs that spend less than 90 percent of revenue on program services and that the Department of Public Health may waive spending requirements in exceptional circumstances.S1S7S12
- The penalty and what happens to the money: the Department of Public Health would annually assess on each covered clinic whose Mission Spend Ratio is below 90 percent an administrative penalty equal to the difference between the amount the clinic spent on mission-directed expenses and 90 percent of the clinic's total revenue, and would issue a notice of penalty within 30 days of receiving the Attorney General's calculation. A clinic that does not dispute the calculation pays in full within 30 days into the Mission Spend Ratio Penalty Account. Money in the account is held in escrow for five years, and during that time it is reimbursed to the clinics that paid it if the clinic comes into compliance with the 90 percent requirement and reaches agreement with the Department of Public Health on a plan to spend all of the reimbursed money on mission-directed expenses. The Department of Public Health may use money in the account to fund the activities required by the section, including maintaining the account and conducting the reviews needed for reimbursement, and may subtract those amounts from what is reimbursed. After five years, money not reimbursed is subject to appropriation by the Legislature for initiatives funding clinical worker training, recruitment and retention. A clinic that disputes the calculation must request an appeal to both the Attorney General and the Department of Public Health within 30 days of receiving the notice of penalty, and the appeal is heard under the Administrative Procedure Act.S3S7S12
- Waivers and the effective date: a clinic may apply to the Department of Public Health for a waiver that temporarily pauses the 90 percent requirement or substitutes an alternative ratio, on the basis of unexpected or exceptional circumstances or the clinic's economic condition. A waiver lasts one year from issuance and may be renewed, with renewal applications filed no later than 180 days before the existing waiver expires. To obtain a waiver based on unexpected or exceptional circumstances a clinic must detail when it learned of the circumstances, why it could not have anticipated them, what actions it took, the expenses incurred, when it expects them to be resolved and what preventive steps it is taking. To obtain a waiver based on economic condition a clinic must show that compliance would raise doubts about its ability to continue as a going concern, with documentation of its financial condition, that of any parent or affiliated entity, and the actual or potential direct financial impact of compliance, and the department is directed to consider factors including likely closure of facilities, patient services or programs, loss of jobs, whether facilities are small, rural or frontier, whether closure would significantly affect access to services in the region, and whether the clinic is in financial distress. The measure provides that the requirements apply to each clinic's first full fiscal year beginning at least six months after passage of the act.S2S7S12
- The patient lawsuit and the criminal penalty: the measure adds a section to the Corporations Code providing that, if a clinic either fails to report the required data or has a Mission Spend Ratio under 90 percent and is not under a waiver, any patient of that clinic may bring an action to enjoin, correct or otherwise remedy a breach of a charitable trust under the same procedures applicable to a claim under Section 5142. The measure provides that good faith shall not be a defense to such an action and that the business judgment rule shall not apply in any aspect to challenged breaches except as provided under Section 5239, and that the section is also subject to enforcement under the Business and Professions Code. It also provides that every director, officer or agent of a covered clinic who knowingly misreports expenditures or revenues or knowingly participates in a scheme to route expenditures or revenues through related parties, including related foundations, with intent to artificially increase the Mission Spend Ratio is punishable by imprisonment under the Penal Code or by imprisonment in a county jail for not more than one year. The official title and summary describes these as authorizing criminal charges for false reports or artificially increasing the spending ratio.S1S7S12
- Amendment, severability and competing measures: the measure states that it may be amended either by a subsequent measure submitted to a vote of the people at a statewide election or by statute validly passed by the Legislature and signed by the Governor, but only to further the purposes of the act. It states that its provisions are severable. It also contains a competing measures clause providing that if this measure and another measure governing the Mission Spend Ratio at some or all covered clinics appear on the same statewide ballot, the other measure is deemed to be in conflict with this one, that another measure is not in conflict merely because it adds or amends one or more of the same code sections, and that if this measure receives a greater number of affirmative votes it prevails in its entirety and the other measure is null and void.S7
- The background the Legislative Analyst gives on clinic spending: the analysis states that clinics are places where people can access certain health care services such as doctor's visits, that many clinics are considered safety net because they mainly serve low-income and uninsured people, and that the care they provide is often low cost or free. It states that private nonprofit safety net clinics in California report their revenues and expenses each year to the federal government and the state, that they currently report spending an average of about 80 percent of their revenue on providing health care services, and that the percent varies across clinics. CalMatters reports the same figure from the Legislative Analyst, that most clinics spend about 80 percent of revenue providing health services, although some spend less, and reports that community health clinics are nonprofits required by law to reinvest 100 percent of revenue back into the organization regardless of how voters decide on Proposition 44. The measure's own findings state that many clinics in California incur management and administrative expenses that are much higher than average, sometimes 30 to 40 percent of total revenue, while others spend less than 10 percent, that many clinics report annual surpluses as high as 20 percent of total revenue, and that clinic workers report chronic understaffing, high workloads and staffing turnover along with long patient wait times.S2S3S7S11
- The earlier legislative attempt and the lawsuits: Ballotpedia records that SEIU-UHW West has backed statewide and other ballot measures before, listing Proposition 29 and Proposition 23 on dialysis clinics and Proposition 8 on dialysis clinic refunds, all of which voters rejected, and Proposition 36, which it opposed. CalMatters reports that the union tried last year to get lawmakers to pass a bill that would have done nearly the same thing as Proposition 44 and that the bill died in committee. Ballotpedia reports that California Primary Care Association and Open Door Community Health Centers filed a lawsuit on April 30, 2026 in the United States District Court for the Northern District of California against Secretary of State Shirley Weber and SEIU-UHW West, arguing that the measure violated federal laws and regulations on spending requirements for nonprofit health clinics that serve low-income patients. CalMatters reports that a judge dismissed a previous lawsuit filed by the primary care association to keep the initiative off the ballot, and that the association and several clinics filed a complaint in September in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of California alleging that the union unlawfully offered to kill Proposition 44 in exchange for more union membership at clinics or for the association to withdraw its opposition to the union-supported billionaire wealth tax, that the association's general counsel called the arrangement extortion, and that a union spokesperson said the allegations were categorically false. These are the reported allegations and responses of the parties.S11S12
- What the measure does not do: it imposes no tax, fee or assessment on patients, residents or businesses, and it changes no state or local tax rate or base. It does not change what clinics are paid for care, and it does not change Medi-Cal, Medicare or private insurance rules or reimbursement rates. It does not change the requirement in existing law that nonprofit clinics reinvest their revenue in the organization. It does not itself require a clinic to close, cut services or reduce staff, and does not guarantee that any clinic's spending on patient services increases, because the result depends on how each clinic responds and on how the Attorney General defines qualifying expenses. It does not cover clinics operated by federally recognized Indian tribes, tribal organizations or urban Indian organizations. It does not apply to for-profit clinics, and the Legislative Analyst describes the requirement as applying to private nonprofit safety net clinics. Its requirements begin with each clinic's first full fiscal year beginning at least six months after passage, not on the day of the election.S2S3S7S11
Fiscal impact
The Legislative Analyst's summary of the estimate of net state and local government fiscal impact is increased state costs in the low tens of millions of dollars per year to enforce the new requirements on certain private nonprofit health care clinics, covered by fees charged to the affected clinics.
The ballot label prints the shorter version, increased state costs in the low tens of millions of dollars per year, covered by fees. The analysis states that the state would enforce the requirements, including reviewing financial reports and investigating affected entities, and that the proposition directs the state to cover the costs by charging fees on affected clinics.
It states that the measure could create other costs for the state and local governments that are uncertain and depend on how the Attorney General would define health care-related expenses and whether affected clinics would meet the spending minimum, and gives examples: affected clinics might spend more on direct health care services to comply, which could increase state costs because some of those services would be for patients in Medi-Cal, the state's program that provides health care coverage for low-income Californians, or clinics that could not meet the minimum might close instead, which would create other uncertain effects on state and local costs.
The analysis gives no dollar estimate for those other costs. CalMatters and the Los Angeles Times report the same enforcement figure and note that clinics would pay annual fees to cover enforcement costs and that the proposition could incur additional state and local costs depending on the Attorney General's interpretation of what counts as a program expense.
The League of Women Voters of California Education Fund states that enforcing Proposition 44 could cost the state tens of millions of dollars each year, covered by fees on the affected clinics, that some clinics might increase patient services paid for by Medi-Cal, and that other clinics may cut back services or close if they cannot meet the new rules, in which case more patients may have to go to public hospitals or emergency rooms for care.S1S2S3S12S15S17
Who benefits and who pays
Who benefits
- Patients of covered clinics, if clinics shift spending toward services: the measure requires covered clinics to spend at least 90 percent of total revenue each year on providing health care services, which the Legislative Analyst describes as meaning that spending on other expenses such as administrative costs would be limited to no more than 10 percent of revenue. Because the analysis states that these clinics currently report spending an average of about 80 percent of revenue on health care services, meeting the 90 percent minimum would require more spending on services than the current average for many clinics. The measure directs that unrecovered penalty money be appropriated for clinical worker training, recruitment and retention, which the argument in favor describes as recruiting, training and retaining the health care workers clinics need. The Legislative Analyst also notes that clinics might respond by spending more on direct health care services to comply.S2S3S5S7
- Supporters' claims about who gains: the argument in favor states that the measure holds community clinics and their executives accountable by requiring that 90 percent of clinic revenue be spent on the clinic's charitable mission, patient care and services that make care possible, that it increases transparency, reduces wasteful executive spending and ensures health care dollars go where they belong, and that it will require clinics to publicly report how health care dollars are spent so patients and taxpayers can hold them accountable. It states that some clinics spend less than half of their funding on patient care and services while large portions of revenue go to bloated chief executive salaries and other wasteful spending, that patients wait months for appointments while health care workers struggle with staffing shortages, outdated equipment and limited resources, and that there are hundreds of millions of dollars in the clinic system not being spent on the core mission of patient care. The argument says the measure does not cut clinic funding or reduce services patients rely on, that clinics meeting the standard keep every dollar, and that clinics that fall short can recover penalties by coming into compliance. The measure's own findings state that many clinics pay excessive shares of revenue toward executive compensation, resulting in underinvestment in core patient services, and that it is the intent of the initiative to create a reasonable minimum standard of mission-directed spending so that clinic patient service delivery and workforce stability are prioritized over management and overhead spending. These are the supporters' claims and the measure's stated findings.S5S7
- Supporters' claims about federal funding pressure: the argument in favor states that community health clinics receive billions of taxpayer dollars to provide care for people who need it most and that, with massive federal health care cuts expected to eliminate billions in funding for California's health care system, clinics may be forced to reduce services, lay off staff or close, so every health care dollar matters more than ever. CalMatters reports that with federal cuts under H.R. 1, which is expected to leave many more uninsured, supporters say it is especially critical for clinics to prioritize patient care now. California Today's guide, citing the union, describes the same timing argument. These are the supporters' claims.S5S10S11
- Which organizations and people are listed in support: the voter guide summary page and the quick reference guide list no supporters submitted for the printed arguments, and give Gustavo Medina of SEIU-UHW as the contact for the support side and the web address yesonproposition44.com. CalMatters lists the Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers West as the supporting organization and records that there are no current media supporters. KQED lists SEIU-UHW as the key supporter. The Institute of Governmental Studies lists Californians for Responsible Healthcare and SEIU United Healthcare Workers West as supporters. Ballotpedia lists SEIU-UHW West under unions and quotes Renee Saldana, a spokesperson for the union, saying the measure is designed to direct more funding into patient services and programs key to a federally qualified health center's mission, that this is not merely patient care but encompasses all the ancillary services they provide in addition to direct patient care, and that there is no limitation that it be only direct patient care spending. Ballotpedia also quotes Brisa Barrera, a health care worker at a community clinic in Santa Rosa, saying that clinics receive public dollars to serve vulnerable populations and that the measure ensures resources go where they are needed most. The measure's official proponents listed in the voter guide argument are Shawna Brown, the initiative proponent, and Brisa J. Barrera, a community clinic worker.S4S5S6S10S12S13S14
- Who funded the support campaign: the Secretary of State's 2026 ballot measure contribution totals page for Proposition 44 reports 10,781,565 dollars in total reported contributions in support through 10/06/2026, all to one committee, YES ON PROP 44, SPONSORED BY SERVICE EMPLOYEES INTERNATIONAL UNION – UNITED HEALTHCARE WORKERS WEST, committee ID 1483073. The Fair Political Practices Commission's top 10 contributors list for the November 2026 general election names the same committee as Californians for Responsible Healthcare, Sponsored by Service Employees International Union – United Healthcare Workers West, #1483073, and lists one contributor, SEIU United Health Care Workers West Political Issues Committee, at 16,929,633.88 dollars, marked with the Commission's asterisk. The Commission explains that an asterisk means the contributor made a contribution to a committee that simultaneously supported or opposed more than one measure at the same election, so the amount is listed for each measure the committee covered and cannot be attributed to Proposition 44 alone. Ballotpedia reports that the support committee reported 16,929,633.88 dollars in total contributions as of September 19, 2026, all of it in kind and none of it cash. CalMatters reports the union had raised about 17 million dollars to support the campaign, mainly from union coffers, and its campaign finance page, sourced from the Secretary of State and updated October 9, 2026, shows 16.9 million dollars in support from the same single contributor. The KQED voter guide, updated October 16, 2026 and sourced from the Secretary of State, displays 16.9 million dollars in support attributed to SEIU-UHW. The Secretary of State's compiled total is lower than the figures the other sources report, and the sources cover different reporting periods and count different things.S8S9S11S12S13S18
Who pays
- The covered clinics, through penalties, fees and reporting fines: no person, household or business pays a new tax because of this measure. The costs the measure creates fall on the nonprofit federally qualified health centers and look-alikes it covers. A covered clinic whose Mission Spend Ratio is below 90 percent must pay the Department of Public Health an administrative penalty equal to the difference between what it spent on mission-directed expenses and 90 percent of its total revenue, and it must pay that amount within 30 days of a notice of penalty unless it disputes the calculation. Each covered clinic must also submit an additional annual registration fee set to cover the state's costs of administering the new sections, and a clinic that fails to file the required annual reports owes an administrative fine of 5,000 dollars for a first violation and 10,000 dollars for each subsequent month, which the Attorney General may update for inflation. A clinic that comes into compliance within five years and agrees to a spending plan can be reimbursed from the escrowed penalty money; money not reimbursed after five years is subject to appropriation by the Legislature for clinical worker training, recruitment and retention.S1S7S12
- State and local government, in the Legislative Analyst's account of indirect and uncertain costs: the analysis states that state enforcement costs would be in the low tens of millions of dollars per year and that the proposition directs the state to cover those costs by charging fees on affected clinics, so the state's enforcement cost is intended to be borne by the clinics rather than by taxpayers generally. It states that the measure could create other costs for the state and local governments that are uncertain, depending on how the Attorney General defines health care-related expenses and whether affected clinics would meet the spending minimum, that clinics might spend more on direct health care services to comply, which could increase state costs because some of those services would be for patients in Medi-Cal, and that some clinics that could not meet the minimum might close instead, which would create other uncertain effects on state and local costs. The analysis gives no dollar estimate for those costs. The League of Women Voters of California Education Fund states that if clinics cut back services or close, more patients may have to go to public hospitals or emergency rooms, and the opponents' argument states that sending more patients to hospital emergency rooms would increase wait times for all families.S2S3S5S17
- Opponents' claims about who would pay, with the number attributed to their study: the argument against states that Proposition 44 would cut 1.7 billion dollars from health clinics in the first year alone, cause 88 percent of all clinics in the state to operate at a loss, force thousands of clinics to cut back patient services or shut down entirely, eliminate care for millions of Californians and send more patients to hospital emergency rooms, increasing wait times for all families. The Los Angeles Times reports that a study commissioned by the California Primary Care Association found that clinics could face up to 1.7 billion dollars in collective penalties in the first year of the measure's implementation alone, an additional expense that could leave up to 88 percent of clinics operating in the red. CalMatters reports that, according to the study commissioned by the primary care association, most clinics would pay a collective 1.7 billion dollars in penalties in the first year and nearly half of all clinics in the state could close, and quotes the association's chief executive calling the initiative an existential threat and saying the measure would force clinics to cut services, cut staff or close. KPBS reports the opponents' statement that the measure is unnecessary because community clinics are already heavily regulated by the state and federal governments and that it would cost clinics more than 1.7 billion dollars in noncompliance fees in the first year. These are the opponents' claims and the findings of the study they commissioned, not estimates by the Legislative Analyst.S5S11S15S16
- Who funded the opposition: the Secretary of State's 2026 ballot measure contribution totals page for Proposition 44 reports 21,609,280 dollars in total reported contributions in opposition through 10/06/2026, all to one committee, NO ON PROP 44 – STOP THE ATTACK ON PATIENTS AND COMMUNITY HEALTH CLINICS, SPONSORED BY CALIFORNIA PRIMARY CARE ASSOCIATION ADOVCATES, committee ID 1484266. The Fair Political Practices Commission's top 10 contributors list names the same committee as Protect Patients: Stop the Attack on Community Health Centers and Clinics, sponsored by California Primary Care Association Advocates, #1484266, and reports 17,445,089.12 dollars in top aggregated contributions, led by Altamed Health Services Corporation at 6,132,867.69 dollars, the California Primary Care Association Advocates Issues Committee at 2,082,989.39 dollars, Family Health Centers of San Diego at 1,513,231 dollars, Wellspace Health at 1,500,000 dollars and North East Medical Services at 1,500,000 dollars, followed by San Ysidro Health at 1,005,138.57 dollars, North County Health Project Inc. doing business as TrueCare at 1,002,841.27 dollars, Innercare at 1,000,000 dollars, Neighborhood Healthcare at 920,550.12 dollars and Community Health Center Network and Alameda Health Consortium at 787,471.08 dollars. Other sources report larger opposition totals: Ballotpedia reports 37,616,354.92 dollars in total contributions to the opposition committee as of September 19, 2026, of which 37,433,526.08 dollars was cash, and CalMatters reports that opponents collectively raised about 37.6 million dollars and that its campaign finance page sourced from the Secretary of State, updated October 9, 2026, shows 38.4 million dollars in opposition. The KQED voter guide, updated October 16, 2026 and sourced from the Secretary of State, displays 38.5 million dollars in opposition. The figures cover different reporting periods and count different things.S8S9S11S12S13S18
- Opponents' claims about the money behind the measure: the rebuttal to the argument in favor states that Proposition 44 is written and funded entirely by one special interest, that it is a power play by one special interest abusing the ballot measure process to gain political leverage over health clinics, and that the same special interest has spent 140 million dollars pushing dozens of ballot measures against hospitals, clinics and physicians, including three unsuccessful dialysis propositions that voters rejected. The argument against states that the campaign against the measure is funded by highly paid clinic executives who benefit from the current system. CalMatters reports that SEIU-UHW is the primary proponent and has raised about 17 million dollars to support the campaign mainly from union coffers, that the union represents 120,000 health care workers, and that it has used ballot initiatives to secure deals in Sacramento, with its biggest achievement a 25 dollar per hour health worker minimum wage in 2023. These are the opponents' claims, with the union figures reported by CalMatters.S5S11
Support and opposition
Supporters
Total raised: $10,781,565
As of: October 6, 2026
Organizations
- Yes on Prop 44, sponsored by Service Employees International Union – United Healthcare Workers West (committee 1483073, the only committee formed to support the measure)
- Californians for Responsible Healthcare (name used for the support committee on the Fair Political Practices Commission list)
- Service Employees International Union – United Healthcare Workers West (SEIU-UHW, sponsor and primary funder; the union's official voter guide contact is Gustavo Medina and its spokesperson quoted in reporting is Renee Saldana)
- Shawna Brown, initiative proponent, signer of the argument in favor
- Brisa J. Barrera, community clinic worker, signer of the argument in favor
- No organizations or individuals were listed as submitted supporters on the Secretary of State's summary page or quick reference guide for Proposition 44, and CalMatters records no current media endorsements
Top funders
- SEIU United Health Care Workers West Political Issues Committee $16,929,634 Union political committee, California; the only contributor listed for committee 1483073 on the Fair Political Practices Commission top 10 contributors list for the November 2026 general election, where the amount is marked with the Commission's asterisk meaning the contributor gave to a committee that simultaneously supported or opposed more than one measure at this election, so the amount is listed for each such measure and is not attributable to Proposition 44 alone; Ballotpedia reports the same total for the support committee as of September 19, 2026 and records all of it as an in-kind contribution rather than cash · Multi-measure committee: the FPPC lists its full amount under every measure it supports or opposes, so this is not money spent only on this measure. · Donor amount from the FPPC top contributors list (updated 2026-10-14); the total raised is from the Secretary of State through 2026-10-06, so a donor can exceed it.
Key arguments
- Supporters say the measure puts patients first and holds clinics accountable: the argument in favor, titled to put patients first and hold clinics accountable, states that California's community health clinics receive billions of taxpayer dollars to provide care for people who need it most, that some clinics spend less than half of their funding on patient care and services while large portions of revenue go to bloated chief executive salaries and other wasteful spending, and that patients wait months for appointments while health care workers struggle with staffing shortages, outdated equipment and limited resources. It states that the measure requires community health clinics to spend at least 90 percent of revenue on their nonprofit mission, patient care and the services that make care possible, and that this can include medical visits, mental health care, dental care, medications, medical equipment, transportation, language interpretation, care coordination, outreach and other services that serve the charitable health care mission, while excessive chief executive pay, lavish events, bloated overhead and other spending that takes resources away from patient care would not count. It states that the measure increases transparency by requiring clinics to publicly report how health care dollars are spent, that there are currently hundreds of millions of dollars in the clinic system not being spent on the core mission of patient care, and that it will make sure those dollars go where they can do the most good. These are the supporters' claims.S5S6
- Supporters say the measure is simple, does not cut funding and does not harm patients: the argument in favor states that the measure does not cut clinic funding or reduce services patients rely on, that clinics meeting the standard keep every dollar, that even clinics that fall short can recover any penalties by coming into compliance, and that unrecovered penalties, if any, are redirected to recruiting, training and retaining the health care workers clinics need so that every dollar stays in the health care system. The rebuttal to the argument against states that highly paid clinic executives want voters to believe the measure will close clinics, eliminate services and hurt patients, calls those claims false, states that the measure protects spending that serves patients and can include transportation, language interpretation, care coordination, community outreach, nurse managers and clinical staff, medical equipment and information technology, and mental health, dental and preventive care, and states that the measure seeks to reduce spending on excessive chief executive pay, lavish events, expensive consultants and unnecessary administrative spending. The rebuttal also asks why clinic executives are fighting accountability if today's oversight were enough. These are the supporters' claims.S5
- Supporters say the need is urgent because of federal cuts: the argument in favor states that community health clinics receive taxpayer funding for one purpose, to provide primary care, mental health services, dental care, prenatal care, vaccinations and other essential services to millions of children, seniors, working families and Californians with disabilities, and that without access to these clinics many patients would not get the care they urgently need. It states that with massive federal health care cuts expected to eliminate billions in funding for California's health care system, community clinics will be among the hardest hit and may be forced to reduce services, lay off staff or close, so every health care dollar matters more than ever, and that California taxpayers cannot afford to waste resources that should be helping patients receive timely, high-quality care. CalMatters reports the same argument, that with federal cuts under H.R. 1, which is expected to leave many more uninsured, supporters say it is especially critical for clinics to prioritize patient care now. These are the supporters' claims.S5S10
- Money reported on the support side: the Secretary of State's 2026 ballot measure contribution totals page for Proposition 44 reports 10,781,565 dollars in total reported contributions in support through 10/06/2026, all to committee 1483073, YES ON PROP 44, SPONSORED BY SERVICE EMPLOYEES INTERNATIONAL UNION – UNITED HEALTHCARE WORKERS WEST. The Fair Political Practices Commission's top 10 contributors list reports 16,929,633.88 dollars in top aggregated contributions to the same committee, all from SEIU United Health Care Workers West Political Issues Committee, marked with an asterisk because the contributor also gave to a committee covering more than one measure. Ballotpedia reports that the support committee reported 16,929,633.88 dollars in total contributions as of September 19, 2026, all in kind. CalMatters reports the union raised about 17 million dollars to support the campaign, mainly from union coffers, and its campaign finance page sourced from the Secretary of State and updated October 9, 2026 shows 16.9 million dollars in support. The KQED voter guide, updated October 16, 2026, displays 16.9 million dollars in support attributed to SEIU-UHW. The Secretary of State's compiled total is lower than the other reported figures, which cover different reporting periods and count different things.S8S9S11S12S13S18
- Reported polling on the measure, given as polling: Ballotpedia's table of 2026 polls on the measure records a Public Policy Institute of California poll of 1,103 likely voters conducted September 4 to 10, 2026 with support at 34.0 percent, opposition at 61.0 percent and 6.0 percent undecided, with a margin of error of plus or minus 3.8 percent. CalMatters reports that just one in three likely voters support the initiative according to the same September survey from the Public Policy Institute of California. These are reported poll results, not predictions of the outcome.S11S12
Opponents
Total raised: $21,609,280
As of: October 6, 2026
Organizations
- No on Prop 44 – Stop the Attack on Patients and Community Health Clinics, sponsored by California Primary Care Association Advocates (committee 1484266, the only committee formed to oppose the measure; also listed as Protect Patients: Stop the Attack on Community Health Centers and Clinics)
- California Primary Care Association (representing community health centers and clinics)
- California Primary Care Association Advocates
- AltaMed Health Services Corporation
- Family Health Centers of San Diego, Wellspace Health, North East Medical Services, San Ysidro Health, TrueCare (North County Health Project Inc.), Innercare, Neighborhood Healthcare, Community Health Center Network and Alameda Health Consortium (reported funders of the opposition campaign)
- Open Door Community Health Centers (party to the federal lawsuit against the measure)
- American Academy of Pediatrics, California; American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists District IX; American College of Emergency Physicians, California Chapter
- California Medical Association; California Academy of Family Physicians; California School Nurses Organization; National Association of Social Workers, California Chapter
- Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California
- California Hospital Association; Association of California Healthcare Districts
- California Teachers Association
- Democratic Party of California; California Republican Party; Working Families Party (as reported by CalMatters)
- League of Women Voters of California; Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association; Reform California; California Chamber of Commerce
- Eric Ball, MD, FAAP, President, American Academy of Pediatrics, California; Katie Nilsson, RN, President, California School Nurses Organization; Rene Bravo, MD, President, California Medical Association (signers of the argument against)
- Brent K Sugimoto, MD, FAAFP, President-Elect, California Academy of Family Physicians; Kelly McCue, MD, Immediate Past Chair, American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists District IX; Susanne J. Spano, MD, FACEP, President, American College of Emergency Physicians, California Chapter (signers of the rebuttal to the argument in favor)
- Kim Yu, MD, FAAFP, President, California Academy of Family Physicians; Jodi Hicks, President and CEO, Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California; Francisco Silva, President and CEO, California Primary Care Association; Graciela Soto, CEO of Altura Community Clinic in Tulare; Carmen Huertero, clinic patient, San Marcos; Joey Cachuela, general counsel, California Primary Care Association (quoted in the voter guide or in reporting)
- San Francisco Chronicle, Mercury News and East Bay Times, The Orange County Register, The San Diego Union-Tribune and The Sacramento Bee (media editorial boards opposing the measure)
Top funders
- Altamed Health Services Corporation $6,132,868 Nonprofit community health center organization, California; contributor to committee 1484266 as reported on the Fair Political Practices Commission top 10 contributors list for the November 2026 general election
- California Primary Care Association Advocates Issues Committee $2,082,989 Committee affiliated with the California Primary Care Association Advocates; contributor to committee 1484266 as reported on the Fair Political Practices Commission list, which lists the California Primary Care Association Advocates and the California Primary Care Association as the top donors to this contributor
- Family Health Centers of San Diego $1,513,231 Nonprofit community health center organization, California; contributor to committee 1484266 as reported on the Fair Political Practices Commission list
- Wellspace Health $1,500,000 Nonprofit community health center organization, California; contributor to committee 1484266 as reported on the Fair Political Practices Commission list
- North East Medical Services $1,500,000 Nonprofit community health center organization, California; contributor to committee 1484266 as reported on the Fair Political Practices Commission list
Key arguments
- Opponents say the measure would cut clinic funding, close clinics and hurt patients: the argument against states that Proposition 44 is a dangerous, poorly drafted measure that would threaten care for millions of California patients, that it imposes deeply flawed and unworkable restrictions that prevent community clinics from providing the care patients need, and that economic and health experts warn it will cut 1.7 billion dollars from health clinics in the first year alone, cause 88 percent of all clinics in the state to operate at a loss, force thousands of clinics to cut back patient services or shut down entirely, eliminate care for millions of Californians and send more patients to hospital emergency rooms, increasing wait times for all families. It states that community health clinics provide primary care, prenatal care, urgent care, mental and behavioral health services, telehealth and dental services, that they operate school-based health clinics caring for hundreds of thousands of children, and that they serve one in four Medi-Cal patients along with the uninsured, working families, seniors, veterans and children, and are in many rural and medically underserved communities the only source of care within hundreds of miles. These are the opponents' claims.S5
- Opponents say the measure restricts spending on services clinics need: the argument against states that Proposition 44 is so poorly written that it restricts clinics from spending resources on essential staff and services including nurse managers, physician leaders, translation services, insurance assistance and community education, and that it even restricts clinics from funding mammogram, X-ray and CT machines, information technology and expanding or upgrading clinics. The Los Angeles Times reports that opponents say the proposition's vague wording could result in vital services being excluded from the list of program expenses permitted in the 90 percent of revenues, prompting clinics to cut programs to avoid financial penalties. CalMatters quotes the California Primary Care Association's chief executive saying the initiative would prevent clinics from spending on things such as patient navigators, translators and food pantries and from investing in capital improvements like renovations and new buildings, and reports that the union disagrees and says the initiative allows the Attorney General to decide what type of spending counts toward patient services. Ballotpedia quotes Graciela Soto, chief executive of Altura Community Clinic in Tulare, saying the clinic picks up patients at no cost, hires Zumba instructors to target obesity and works with farmworkers and dairy workers on health screenings and education, all of which she says would be decimated by the initiative. These are the opponents' claims and statements.S5S12S15S11
- Opponents say the measure is unnecessary because clinics are already regulated: the argument against states that community clinics are already heavily regulated by the federal and state governments with strict funding rules on patient care and essential services and regular mandatory public audits, that all clinics are overseen by patient board members to ensure care is focused on community needs, and that clinics are nonprofits legally required to focus resources on patient services and community benefits. The rebuttal to the argument in favor states the same point, that every community clinic is not for profit, led by a board that includes patients, and required to spend funds on patient care and community benefits rather than corporate profits. CalMatters reports that opponents say the measure is unnecessary because community clinics are already heavily regulated by the state and federal governments. KPBS reports the same opponents' statement and their estimate of more than 1.7 billion dollars in noncompliance fees in the first year. These are the opponents' claims.S5S10S16
- Opponents say the measure is a special interest power play that adds bureaucracy: the rebuttal to the argument in favor states that Proposition 44 is a dangerous special interest measure written and funded entirely by one special interest that threatens access to care for millions, and that it is a shameful power play by one special interest abusing the ballot measure process to gain political leverage over health clinics. The Los Angeles Times reports that opponents say the measure adds an expensive layer of bureaucracy to the state's budget and grants elected officials, in this case the Attorney General, authority to determine which services clinics can offer. Ballotpedia quotes Carmela Coyle, president and chief executive of the California Hospital Association, saying the proposal comes at a precarious time for health care in California following the largest cut to health care in the nation's history and that it will make it difficult if not impossible to recruit and retain leaders who can preserve access to vital health services, and quotes Jodi Hicks of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California saying the measure would have dire consequences and force clinics to close. Ballotpedia also quotes Francisco Silva, president and chief executive of the California Primary Care Association, saying the coalition will not allow California's most vulnerable patients to be used as political pawns. These are the opponents' statements.S5S12S15
- The nonpartisan and organizational summaries of the case against: the League of Women Voters of California Education Fund states that community clinics are already heavily regulated by federal and state governments with strict funding rules, that the measure would force hundreds of clinics to cut services or shut down, and that it could unintentionally increase overall health care costs by shifting patients into emergency rooms and hospitals. KQED states that community clinics already operate under state and federal rules and reporting requirements, that a fixed 90 percent spending requirement could leave less flexibility to pay for management, technology, facilities and other costs needed to keep clinics running, and that clinics that cannot meet the requirement would face penalties and in some cases could close, reducing access to care for low-income and uninsured patients. The Institute of Governmental Studies states that opponents argue the measure is poorly drafted and institutes spending restrictions that could force community health clinics to cut services or close, that it could restrict spending on essential staff, equipment, technology and other services needed to operate clinics, and that it is unnecessary because community health clinics are already subject to state and federal regulations, audits and oversight. Ballotpedia records that editorial boards at the San Francisco Chronicle, the Mercury News and East Bay Times, and The Orange County Register published editorials opposing the measure, and CalMatters lists The San Diego Union-Tribune, The Orange County Register, The Sacramento Bee and the San Francisco Chronicle as media opponents. These are the stated positions of these organizations and newsrooms.S10S12S13S14S17
- Money reported on the oppose side: the Secretary of State's 2026 ballot measure contribution totals page for Proposition 44 reports 21,609,280 dollars in total reported contributions in opposition through 10/06/2026, all to committee 1484266, NO ON PROP 44 – STOP THE ATTACK ON PATIENTS AND COMMUNITY HEALTH CLINICS, SPONSORED BY CALIFORNIA PRIMARY CARE ASSOCIATION ADOVCATES. The Fair Political Practices Commission's top 10 contributors list reports 17,445,089.12 dollars in top aggregated contributions to the same committee, listing Altamed Health Services Corporation at 6,132,867.69 dollars, the California Primary Care Association Advocates Issues Committee at 2,082,989.39 dollars, Family Health Centers of San Diego at 1,513,231 dollars, Wellspace Health at 1,500,000 dollars, North East Medical Services at 1,500,000 dollars, San Ysidro Health at 1,005,138.57 dollars, North County Health Project Inc. doing business as TrueCare at 1,002,841.27 dollars, Innercare at 1,000,000 dollars, Neighborhood Healthcare at 920,550.12 dollars and Community Health Center Network and Alameda Health Consortium at 787,471.08 dollars. Ballotpedia reports that the opposition committee reported 37,616,354.92 dollars in total contributions as of September 19, 2026, with 37,433,526.08 dollars in cash contributions and 182,828.84 dollars in kind, and lists AltaMed Health Services Corporation at 5,467,867.69 dollars, the California Primary Care Association at 3,035,766 dollars, Family Health Centers of San Diego, North East Medical Services and Wellspace Health at 1,500,000 dollars each. CalMatters reports opponents collectively raised about 37.6 million dollars, and its campaign finance page sourced from the Secretary of State and updated October 9, 2026 shows 38.4 million dollars in opposition, while noting there were no reported independent expenditures on either side. The KQED voter guide, updated October 16, 2026, displays 38.5 million dollars in opposition. The Secretary of State's compiled total is lower than these other reported figures, which cover different reporting periods and count different things.S8S9S11S12S13S18
How it could affect your household
| Household type | Effect | Explanation | Confidence |
|---|---|---|---|
| Homeowner | Neutral | The measure imposes no tax, fee, assessment, parcel charge or reporting duty on a homeowner and changes no property tax rule, mortgage rule, insurance rule or housing program. Nothing in it affects a homeowner's property tax bill, and it creates no cost for a household that does not operate a covered clinic. The effects it does create fall on nonprofit federally qualified health centers, which must meet the 90 percent Mission Spend Ratio, pay a penalty if they fall short, pay an annual registration fee and report annually to the Attorney General. Any effect on a homeowner is indirect, running through the clinic services available in the community: the Legislative Analyst states that some clinics that could not meet the minimum might close and that this would create other uncertain effects on state and local costs, and the arguments predict both more spending on patient care and clinic closures. Those outcomes depend on future decisions by clinics, the Attorney General and the Department of Public Health.S2S3S5S7 | Medium confidence |
| Renter | Neutral | The measure imposes no tax, rent rule, fee or reporting duty on a renter and changes no rent control, rental assistance, housing program or tenant law. It creates no direct cost for a renter household. Its requirements apply to nonprofit federally qualified health centers, which must spend at least 90 percent of revenue on health care services or pay the shortfall to the state, report annually and pay a registration fee. Renters who are patients of a covered clinic are affected only indirectly, through whether clinics meet the standard: the argument against states that clinics serve one in four Medi-Cal patients along with the uninsured and working families and that closures would eliminate care for millions, while the argument in favor states that the measure does not cut clinic funding or reduce services and directs more revenue to patient care. The Legislative Analyst states that some clinics that could not meet the minimum might close and that this would have uncertain effects on state and local costs. The direction of any effect depends on how clinics respond.S2S3S5S7 | Medium confidence |
| W-2 earner ($100k to $250k) | Neutral | The measure adds no tax on wages or income, changes no state income tax rate or bracket, creates no payroll or reporting duty for employees, and creates no fee for a household at this income level. The costs the measure creates are paid by the covered nonprofit clinics, through the shortfall penalty, an annual registration fee and reporting fines of 5,000 dollars for a first failure and 10,000 dollars for each subsequent month. Even the state's enforcement cost is intended to be covered by fees on those clinics rather than by general taxpayers. The only channel to a W-2 household is indirect and health related: whether the clinics in that household's community continue to serve patients, which the Legislative Analyst describes as uncertain and dependent on how the Attorney General defines qualifying expenses and how clinics respond.S1S2S3S7 | High confidence |
| High earner (over $1M) | Neutral | The measure adds no state tax on income, investment income, business income or wealth and changes no rate or bracket, and it has no high-income threshold, surtax or reporting requirement. A household at this income level would experience no direct cost or benefit from the measure. The obligations it creates fall on nonprofit federally qualified health centers, which must keep mission spending at or above 90 percent of total revenue, pay any shortfall to the state, report annually and pay a registration fee, with penalties for failing to report. The only indirect channel is the health care system in the household's community, and the only costs the Legislative Analyst identifies beyond enforcement are uncertain ones, such as clinics spending more on services billed to Medi-Cal or closing, and it gives no dollar estimate for those.S2S3S7 | High confidence |
| Small business owner | Neutral | The measure imposes no tax, fee, license, filing or reporting requirement on a business, changes no employment, licensing, sales tax or income tax rule, and does not apply to for-profit clinics. Its requirements fall on nonprofit federally qualified health centers and look-alikes, which must spend at least 90 percent of revenue on health care services, report annually to the Attorney General, pay a registration fee, and pay a penalty equal to any shortfall below the 90 percent minimum, with fines for failing to report. A small business owner would be affected only indirectly, through the local health care system or through business health coverage, and the measure does not change insurance rules, reimbursement rates or clinic payment rates. Organizations on both sides include business groups: the California Chamber of Commerce appears in the lists of opponents, while the argument in favor states the measure makes it much harder for special interests to impose costly taxes on homeowners, renters and small businesses and that unrecovered penalties go to workforce training. Business owners cannot be scored as paying a new cost under the measure.S1S2S5S7S12 | Medium confidence |
| Retiree | Unclear | The measure changes nothing directly for a retiree household: it imposes no tax, fee or reporting duty, does not change Medicare or Medi-Cal eligibility, benefits or rates, and does not change clinic charges or patient billing, which the measure leaves alone. Its obligations fall on nonprofit federally qualified health centers and look-alikes. A retiree who is a patient of a covered clinic is affected only in the second order, through whether the clinic can meet the 90 percent Mission Spend Ratio: the measure lets the clinic keep its money if it complies and lets it recover a penalty within five years, and the Department of Public Health may grant a one-year waiver for unexpected circumstances or economic hardship, while the legislative analysis says clinics that could not meet the minimum might close and clinics might instead spend more on direct services. The opponents' argument states that closures would send more patients to emergency rooms, and the argument in favor states the measure does not cut clinic funding or reduce services. Because the outcome depends on how each clinic responds and on Attorney General guidance not yet issued, the direction of the effect is unclear.S2S3S5S7 | Low confidence |
| Local government services user | Unclear | The measure does not change any state or local program, benefit or eligibility rule, and it imposes no tax on residents, so a person who uses local government services sees no direct change in what they pay. The Legislative Analyst identifies two indirect and uncertain effects that could reach state and local government: affected clinics might spend more on direct health care services to comply, which could increase state costs because some of those services are for patients in Medi-Cal, the state's program for low-income Californians, and some clinics that could not meet the minimum might close instead, which would create other uncertain effects on state and local costs, including patients turning to public hospitals or emergency rooms, as the League of Women Voters of California Education Fund and the opponents' argument state. The analysis says the costs depend on how the Attorney General defines health care-related expenses and whether clinics meet the minimum, and gives no dollar estimate. State enforcement costs, in the low tens of millions of dollars per year, are directed to be covered by fees charged to the affected clinics rather than by the general fund, and the measure applies to private nonprofit clinics rather than to county-run clinics in the Legislative Analyst's description. Because every effect on services is contingent and none is quantified, the direction is unclear.S2S3S5S17 | Medium confidence |
Tradeoffs
- More mission spending against clinics' flexibility to run their organizations: the measure sets a floor of 90 percent of total revenue for spending that advances a clinic's exempt purpose and caps other spending at 10 percent, while the Attorney General decides which expenses qualify. The Legislative Analyst states that clinics currently report spending an average of about 80 percent of revenue on health care services, so the floor is above the current average and varies by clinic. Supporters state that the 90 percent can include medical visits, mental health and dental care, medications, equipment, transportation, language interpretation, care coordination, nurse managers and clinical staff, information technology and outreach, and that this directs more money to patient care. Opponents state that the requirement is unworkable, that it would restrict spending on nurse managers, physician leaders, translation, insurance assistance, community education, mammogram, X-ray and CT machines, information technology, renovations and new buildings, and that a fixed ratio could leave less flexibility to pay for management, technology, facilities and other costs needed to keep clinics running. The measure leaves the specifics to Attorney General guidance, which is authorized to be issued without further regulatory action.S2S3S5S7S12S13
- Accountability and transparency against a new regulatory regime: supporters state that the measure increases transparency by requiring clinics to publicly report how health care dollars are spent, that it holds clinics and their executives accountable, and that hundreds of millions of dollars in the clinic system are not being spent on the core mission of patient care, and the measure requires the Attorney General to publish each clinic's Mission Spend Ratio within 90 days and to make its data public. Against that, the measure creates a new reporting duty, a new annual registration fee and a new calculation for every covered clinic, and it gives the Attorney General authority to define which expenses count, with the authority to implement that guidance by bulletin or notice rather than by regulation. Opponents state that the measure is unnecessary because clinics are already heavily regulated and audited by the federal and state governments and already report their revenue and mission spending to the Internal Revenue Service and the Attorney General, that it adds an expensive layer of bureaucracy, and that the vague wording could exclude vital services. The state's cost of running the new system is estimated in the low tens of millions of dollars per year, to be recovered from the clinics by fee.S1S2S3S5S7S12S15
- Penalties that fall on the same clinics that serve low-income patients, with a refund path: the penalty is equal to the shortfall below 90 percent of total revenue, so a clinic that spends less on mission services pays more, and a clinic that spends more pays nothing. Money paid is held in escrow for five years and is refunded if the clinic comes into compliance and agrees to a spending plan; if it does not, the money is subject to appropriation by the Legislature for clinical worker training, recruitment and retention, so unrecovered penalties stay in the clinic workforce rather than in the general fund. Supporters state that clinics meeting the standard keep every dollar and that clinics that fall short can recover penalties by coming into compliance. Opponents state that most clinics would pay a collective 1.7 billion dollars in penalties in the first year and that this could leave 88 percent of clinics operating at a loss or nearly half of them closing, citing a study they commissioned; the Legislative Analyst gives no penalty estimate and says only that clinics might spend more on services or close and that the resulting state and local effects are uncertain.S2S3S5S7S11S15
- Access to care against the intended effect on patient spending: the measure does not change funding levels, reimbursement rates or clinic eligibility, so the amount of public money flowing to clinics is unchanged by it. Whether patients gain or lose depends on how clinics reach the 90 percent threshold. The argument in favor states that the measure protects patient care and does not cut it, that clinics can include transportation, interpretation, care coordination, outreach, clinical staff, equipment, information technology and preventive care in their mission spending, and that reduced spending on excessive executive pay and overhead means more money for patients. The argument against states that the measure would cut billions from clinics every year, force clinics to shut down and cut services, and send more patients to hospital emergency rooms. The Legislative Analyst states that some clinics that could not meet the minimum might close and that other effects on state and local costs are uncertain. The measure also creates a right for patients of a covered clinic to sue for breach of charitable trust, which supporters present as an accountability tool and opponents present as additional legal exposure for clinics.S2S3S5S7S14
- The measure's origin and the alignment of the sides: CalMatters reports that Proposition 44 is the second measure SEIU-UHW put forward this cycle along with the billionaire wealth tax, that the union tried and failed to pass nearly the same policy in the Legislature last year, that the union represents 120,000 health care workers and has used ballot measures to secure deals in Sacramento including a 25 dollar per hour health worker minimum wage in 2023, and that the California Primary Care Association and several clinics allege in a federal complaint that the union unlawfully offered to kill Proposition 44 in exchange for more union membership at clinics or for the association to withdraw its opposition to the billionaire tax measure, an allegation the union calls categorically false. Ballotpedia reports that a court dismissed the earlier lawsuit the association and Open Door Community Health Centers filed to keep the initiative off the ballot. CalMatters also reports the unusual alignment that opponents include groups representing clinics, doctors and hospitals along with the California Democratic, Republican and Working Families parties, while the sole supporting organization is a health care union. The voters guide summary page lists three opponents in its printed lineup and no submitted supporters.S4S11S12
- Money on both sides, reported by sources that measure different things: the Secretary of State's compiled totals through 10/06/2026 report 10,781,565 dollars in contributions to the single committee formed to support the measure and 21,609,280 dollars to the single committee formed to oppose it. The Fair Political Practices Commission's top 10 contributors list reports 16,929,633.88 dollars in top aggregated contributions on the support side, all from one union political committee and marked because that contributor also gave to a committee covering more than one measure, and 17,445,089.12 dollars in top aggregated contributions on the opposition side, led by Altamed Health Services Corporation at 6,132,867.69 dollars. Ballotpedia reports 16,929,633.88 dollars in support and 37,616,354.92 dollars in opposition through September 19, 2026. CalMatters reports about 17 million dollars raised in support and about 37.6 million dollars in opposition and, on its campaign finance page sourced from the Secretary of State, 16.9 million dollars in support and 38.4 million dollars in opposition, with no reported independent expenditures on either side. The KQED voter guide, updated October 16, 2026, displays 16.9 million dollars in support and 38.5 million dollars in opposition. Ballotpedia also reports that 16,857,372.16 dollars was spent to collect the signatures that qualified the measure. A further reported difference: the Los Angeles Times states that Proposition 44 is one of two measures SEIU-UHW put forward this cycle, and CalMatters states the union's support committee money came mainly from union coffers.S8S9S11S12S13S15S18
- Polling, reported as polling: Ballotpedia's table of 2026 polls on the measure records a Public Policy Institute of California poll of 1,103 likely voters conducted September 4 to 10, 2026 with 34.0 percent support, 61.0 percent opposition and 6.0 percent undecided, with a margin of error of plus or minus 3.8 percent. CalMatters reports the same survey finding that just one in three likely voters support the initiative. These are reported poll results, not predictions of the outcome.S11S12
Sources
- Proposition 44 Official Title and Summary (Official Voter Information Guide, November 3, 2026) California Secretary of State Accessed 2026-10-17
- Proposition 44 Analysis by the Legislative Analyst (Official Voter Information Guide, November 3, 2026) California Secretary of State and Legislative Analyst's Office Accessed 2026-10-17
- Proposition 44 [Ballot], Propositions on the November 3, 2026 Ballot Legislative Analyst's Office Accessed 2026-10-17
- Proposition 44 summary page (Official Voter Information Guide, November 3, 2026) California Secretary of State Accessed 2026-10-17
- Proposition 44 Arguments and Rebuttals (Official Voter Information Guide, November 3, 2026) California Secretary of State Accessed 2026-10-17
- Quick Reference Guide – Proposition 44 (Official Voter Information Guide, November 3, 2026) California Secretary of State Accessed 2026-10-17
- Proposition 44 Text of Proposed Laws, Official Voter Information Guide (the Clinic Funding Accountability and Transparency Act, adding Section 12586.3 to the Government Code, Section 1234.5 to the Health and Safety Code, and Sections 5142.1 and 6814.1 to the Corporations Code) California Secretary of State Accessed 2026-10-17
- Proposition 44 – Requires Community Health Clinics Spend 90% of Revenue on Program Services. Initiative Statute., 2026 Ballot Measure Contribution Totals California Secretary of State (Cal-Access) Accessed 2026-10-17
- Top 10 Contributors List, November 2026 General Election California Fair Political Practices Commission Accessed 2026-10-17
- California voter guide: Proposition 44, healthcare spending, CalMatters California Voter Guide 2026 CalMatters Accessed 2026-10-17
- The same union supporting a billionaire tax wants voters to limit clinic spending. Here's what to know about Prop. 44 (CalMatters, by Kristen Hwang, published October 7, 2026; read in the CalMatters republication by The Almanac, Embarcadero Media) CalMatters, republished by The Almanac (Embarcadero Media) Accessed 2026-10-17
- California Proposition 44, Spending Requirements for Federally Qualified Health Centers Initiative (2026) Ballotpedia Accessed 2026-10-17
- 2026 California Voter Guide: Proposition 44 KQED Accessed 2026-10-17
- Proposition 44: Community Health Clinics, California Ballot Proposition Guides, November 3, 2026 General Election Institute of Governmental Studies, University of California, Berkeley Accessed 2026-10-17
- California Proposition 44 election voter guide: Safety net health clinic spending, published October 1, 2026 Los Angeles Times Accessed 2026-10-17
- 2026 General Election explainer: Proposition 44, Require more clinic spending on patient care (published September 23, 2026) KPBS Public Media Accessed 2026-10-17
- Prop 44 (2026): 90% Health Care Spending for Nonprofit Safety-Net Clinics, CaVotes ballot measure guide League of Women Voters of California Education Fund Accessed 2026-10-17
- Proposition 44 campaign finance detail, CalMatters 2026 Voter Guide (contributor and outside spending data from the California Secretary of State, updated October 9, 2026) CalMatters Accessed 2026-10-17